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We speak to two prominent Israeli thinkers, historian Omer Bartov and journalist Gideon Levy, about the founding beliefs of Zionism. Bartov, a professor of Holocaust and genocide studies at Brown University, is the author of the new book Israel: What Went Wrong? Bartov says the early Zionist movement had liberatory intentions, aiming to emancipate the persecuted Jewish minority in Europe and modeling itself after other contemporary ethnonationalist movements. He then argues that while Israel had the opportunity to "become a normal state" and "issue a constitution that would provide equality to all its citizens, would define its borders and create a legal framework" that could also acknowledge and redress the Nakba, it chose another path. Instead of remedying its foundational violence, he says, the modern Israeli state has become increasingly "militaristic, centralized, expansionist, racist and, as we've seen since October 2023, genocidal." Though Bartov does not identify as an anti-Zionist, he says Israel "must discard Zionism, it must put it on the garbage heap of history, and it must redefine itself, going all the way back to 1948."
Levy, on the other hand, says Zionism has never been reformable, because the movement, from its very beginning, "started wrong, without the belief or the conviction that we can live together." He contests Bartov's assertion that early Zionist intentions became warped over the 20th century, and says instead that the violent dispossession of Palestinians is embedded into the premise of the movement. "This very same attitude, this very same policy never stopped ever since '48," Levy contends. His latest piece in Haaretz is titled "Zionism Didn't Go Wrong, It Was Always Built This Way."
Both Bartov and Levy also respond to the Israeli government's threat to file a defamation lawsuit against The New York Times for publishing a column by longtime opinion writer Nicholas Kristof about systemic sexual a
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As Trump pushes for a more Republican-friendly House map, more than half a dozen states are potential targets for mid-decade tweaks to congressional boundaries.
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Trump's commissioner of the Food and Drug Administration, Dr. Martin Makary, has resigned. During Makary's 13-month tenure, he attempted to split the difference between Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'s Make America Healthy Again agenda and a more traditional approach to regulation, ultimately angering both camps. "Nobody was happy with what he did," says Dr. Aaron Kesselheim, a professor of medicine at Harvard Medical School.
Shortly before his resignation, Makary had drawn the ire of President Trump for attempting to block the approval of fruit-flavored vapes, and anti-abortion groups for not placing harsher restrictions on the abortion pill mifepristone. But even before Makary took the helm, mass layoffs and the loss of scientific expertise had already thrown the FDA, which has oversight powers extending to more than a fifth of the U.S. economy, in turmoil.
The FDA's deputy commissioner for food, Kyle Diamantis, will now assume Makary's position in an acting capacity. Diamantas, a personal friend of Donald Trump Jr., does not have a background in medicine. The abrupt leadership shakeup is worrisome for the future of health and medicine in the United States, says Dr. Robert Steinbrook, the health research director at watchdog organization Public Citizen. "We need a strong public health agency," he explains. "[But] when you pick them apart for particular theories and the idiosyncrasies of the Health and Human Services secretary, you destroy things which take years, if not decades, to rebuild."
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